But these works had an impact beyond China. This article discusses the transmission of wanbao quanshu<\/em> to Chos\u014fn Korea (1392-1867) and their reproduction there, particularly as revealed in a translation of a wanbao quanshu<\/em> into vernacular Korean. The goal is to understand more clearly and in more concrete detail the influence the wanbao quanshu<\/em> had on Chos\u014fn society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n At the time when the wanbao quanshu<\/em> enjoyed their greatest \npopularity in China, during the Ming and Qing dynasties, the exchange \nbetween China and Chos\u014fn was mainly in the form of tributary trade, and \nit was through that trade that large numbers of Chinese books were \nintroduced into the Korean peninsula. Korean emissaries to the Ming and \nQing imperial courts would accompany tribute from their country to \nBeijing and, during their stay in the capital purchase books to bring \nback home. Most likely the wanbao quanshu<\/em> were imported via \nthis means. Yi \u016cihy\u014fn \u674e\u5b9c\u986f (1669\u20131745, sobriquet: Togok \u9676\u8c37), a minister \nat the courts of Kings Sukchong (r. 1674\u20131720) and Y\u014fngjo (r. \n1724\u20131776), was one of the envoys sent from Chos\u014fn to deliver tribute to\n the Qing court, and he has left in his Collected Writings of Togok<\/em> (Togok chip<\/em> \u9676\u8c37\u96c6), an account that substantiates this supposition. In 1720, after returning from his first mission to Beijing,2<\/sup>\n he wrote his \u201cMiscellaneous Record of the Envoy Mission to Yanjing in \nthe Ky\u014fngja Cyclic Year\u201d (\u201cKy\u014fngja y\u014fnhaeng chapchi\u201d \u5e9a\u5b50\u71d5\u884c\u96dc\u8b58), which \nexplains how the Korean envoys procured Chinese books and how \u2014 probably\n somewhat accidentally \u2014 he happened to return with a copy of a wanbao quanshu<\/em>:<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ushers (xuban<\/em>\u5e8f\u73ed) are sub-official functionaries (shuli<\/em>\u66f8\u540f) in the Office of the Superintendent. Some of them who work long enough may be promoted to district magistrate (zhixian<\/em>\u77e5\u7e23)\n status. If someone from our country (Chos\u014fn) wants to know what is \ngoing on in Beijing, he seeks information through these ushers. They \noften forge documents, charge a hefty price for them, and trick the \ninterpreters (yibei<\/em>\u8b6f\u8f29). Many of them have their homes in the \nsouthern region [Jiangnan?], and, since books mostly come from the \nsouth, the ushers are in charge of book purchases and sales. They are \nlike those we call brokers (k\u2019wae<\/em>; Ch: kuairen<\/em> \u5108\u4eba), \nbut [we cannot deal directly with them] as it is the interpreters who \nmust intervene in the purchasing process. If an envoy wants to buy \nbooks, he has to go through the interpreters to get them from the \nushers. As they profit from each other, the bonds between them are very \nintimate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Books purchased: [Here Yi lists 52 titles; they are for the most part\n very well-known encyclopedias and anthologies of Chinese poetry, \nhistorical writings, literary collections by Confucian scholars and \ndistinguished Song, Ming, and Qing authors, gazetteers (that is, \nhistories and guides to famous sites), civil-service examination guides,\n etc. He also lists some \u201cmiscellaneous titles\u201d that were added as \n\u201cgifts\u201d from the ushers; these included one wanbao quanshu<\/em> (identified not by a specific title, but just as a wanbao quanshu<\/em>), as well as some works of fiction.] (See the Appendix for the full list of titles.)<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n After listing his book purchases, Yi records his purchases of \npaintings and calligraphy and briefly treats the tourist sites that he \nvisited in Beijing, including the \u201cCatholic altar, where the image of \nthe king of a western country is placed, and there are such things as \nsundials and chime clocks, many of them novel and worthy of viewing.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n The fifty-two titles that Yi \u016cihy\u014fn listed included at the very end \nsome fiction and other popular works. Because he felt a bit embarrassed \nabout them \u2014 Chinese scholars viewed them with contempt \u2014 he felt the \nneed to explain, \u201cA few miscellaneous titles were private gifts from the\n ushers\u201d \u2014 that is to say, those fictional and miscellaneous works were \nnot what he chose to buy himself, but what the Chinese petty officials, \nthe ushers, threw in on their own while they were helping the \ninterpreters purchase books on Yi\u2019s behalf.3<\/sup> What he described as \u201cmiscellaneous books\u201d included popular encyclopedias like the wanbao quanshu<\/em>, Yellow Eyebrow Stories<\/em> (Huangmei gushi<\/em> \u9ec3\u7709\u6545\u4e8b), White Eyebrow Stories<\/em> (Baimei gushi<\/em>\u767d\u7709\u6545\u4e8b), and Complete Book of Good Fortune and Longevity<\/em> (Fushou quanshu<\/em>\u798f\u58fd\u5168\u66f8), fengshui<\/em> or geomancy manuals like the Comprehensive Guide to Subtle Clues<\/em> (Fawei tongshu<\/em>\u767c\u5fae\u901a\u66f8), and collections of stories like The Beautiful and the Strange<\/em> (Yanyi bian<\/em> \u8277\u7570\u7de8) and National Beauties, Heavenly Charmers.<\/em> (Guose tianxiang<\/em>\n \u570b\u8272\u5929\u9999). Yi \u016cihy\u014fn knew that they were popular books enjoying wide \ncirculation in the late Ming, but \u2014 as he also knew that they were texts\n considered unsuitable for cultivated readers \u2014 he could not admit that \nhe voluntarily bought them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Even though Yi \u016cihy\u014fn\u2019s account is the only concrete record we have of wanbao quanshu<\/em>\n being imported to Chos\u014fn, we cannot conclude that 1720 is the year of \ntheir earliest transmission. Usually the titles purchased by the envoy \nmissions to Beijing included useful new books, as well as works \nconsistently in demand and not regularly available in Chos\u014fn. For \nexample, Outstanding Models from the Storehouse of Literature<\/em> (Cefu yuangui<\/em> \u518a\u5e9c\u5143\u9f9c), Assembled Illustrations from the Three Realms: Heaven, Earth, and Man<\/em> (Sancai tuhui<\/em> \u4e09\u624d\u5716\u6703), and On Books<\/em> (Tushu bian<\/em> \u5716\u66f8\u7de8),<\/em>\n all on Yi\u2019s list, had originally been transmitted to Korea very early \nin the Chos\u014fn era; the reason that these books were purchased again is \nthat the demand for them was still on the rise in Korea. Wanbao quanshu<\/em> could have been transmitted earlier as well, although there is no textual evidence to prove they had been.<\/p>\n\n\n\n We find, however, some references to them earlier, in Yi Sugwang\u2019s \u674e\u775f\u5149 (1563\u20131628, sobriquet: Chibong \u829d\u5cf0) Categorized Sayings Collected by Chibong<\/em> (Chibong yus\u014fl<\/em> \u829d\u5cf0\u985e\u8aaa). While discussing his efforts to discover precisely what a ch\u014flp\u2019ungg\u014fn<\/em> \u6298\u98a8\u5dfe, a unique ancient-style hat of the Chos\u014fn era, was, Yi Sugwang mentioned that he had once found relevant information in a wanbao quanshu:<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n The Gazetteer of the Unified<\/em> [Great<\/em>] Ming<\/em> ([\u5927\u660e]\u4e00\u7d71\u5fd7 [Da Ming] Yitongzhi<\/em>) stated that Chos\u014fn [people] wear ch\u014flp\u2019ungg\u014fn<\/em>\n and large-sleeve robes. I am not sure what kind of institution the \nso-called large-sleeve robe was associated with. I once saw a wanbao quanshu<\/em>,\n in which the figures of our country were drawn wearing large garments \nwith wide sleeves. This must be an old custom. I still don\u2019t know what a\n ch\u014flp\u2019ungg\u014fn<\/em> is. Recently, a fisherman of our country drifted \nto Zhejiang (China). In the repatriation document issued by the Ministry\n of Rites, it stated that he wore a ch\u014flp\u2019ungg\u014fn<\/em> on his head. This may have been a kind of sat-kat<\/em>,\n a conical bamboo hat. Li Bai \u674e\u767d [a famous Chinese poet of the eighth \ncentury] in his \u201cSong of Kogury\u014f\u201d (\u201cGaogouli ci\u201d \u9ad8\u53e5\u9e97\u8a5e) wrote: \u201cGolden \nflowers on their ch\u014flp\u2019ung<\/em> hat,\u201d and \u201cFlutter and flutter, the dancers\u2019 large sleeves.\u201d This must be the same thing.4<\/sup><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n If what Yi Sugwang said is true, wanbao quanshu<\/em> had already \nbeen circulating in Chos\u014fn before 1628, nearly a hundred years before Yi\n \u016cihy\u014fn bought the book in Beijing. But it is not clear where Yi Sugwang\n saw the text. As a minister at the Korean court, he had been on three \nenvoy trips to Beijing, as a Document Officer in 1590, prior to the \ninvasion of Korea by the Japanese; as Emissary of Condolences in 1597; \nand as Emissary of Petition in 1611. During his time in Beijing, he \nactively engaged in written exchanges or \u201cbrush talks\u201d (p\u2019ildam<\/em> \u7b46\u8ac7) with envoys from Vietnam, Ryukyu, and Siam; and he corresponded with a Catholic priest from the West, Matteo Ricci,5<\/sup> acquiring his True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven<\/em> (Tianzhu shiyi<\/em> \u5929\u4e3b\u5be6\u7fa9, 2 fascicles) and On Friendship<\/em> (Jiaoyou lun<\/em> \u4ea4\u53cb\u8ad6, 1 fascicle), as well as Liu Bian\u2019s \u5289\u6c74 (ca. 1518) story collection, Sequel to<\/em> Hearsay (Xu er tan<\/em> \u7e8c\u8033\u8b5a, 6 fascicles). On his return he introduced western studies and Catholicism to Chos\u014fn society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n He went to Beijing during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when the wanbao quanshu<\/em>\n proliferated; before 1611, there were already as many as twelve \ndifferent versions in circulation. Thus, it is extremely likely that Yi \nSugwang would have had occasion to see the illustrations of Gaoliguo \u9ad8\u9e97\u570b\n (Korea) in the \u201cBarbarians Section\u201d (\u201cZhuyi men\u201d \u8af8\u5937\u9580) of the wanbao quanshu<\/em>\n in Beijing. He also could have brought the book back to Chos\u014fn. Since \nhe was most interested in information about foreign regions \u2014 while in \nBeijing, he was very interested in meeting other foreign envoys \u2014 it is \nvery possible that he bought a wanbao quanshu,<\/em> as these works \nregularly included a \u201cBarbarians\u201d (or \u201cOuter Barbarians,\u201d \u201cWaiyi men\u201d \n\u5916\u5937\u9580) section, which provided information on foreign peoples.6<\/sup> Perhaps the content of this book was too popular and the quality of its edition too poor for him to record the purchase.7<\/sup> In any event, it is impossible to ascertain which version of a wanbao quanshu<\/em> he might have brought back to Chos\u014fn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n There are a few cases where Chos\u014fn literati mention wanbao quanshu<\/em>\n in their writings and reveal something of what in the books interested \nthem; these references can help us guess the circumstances under which \nthe works circulated, as well as understand their impact on Korean \nculture. In line with the promises often made in their prefaces, the wanbao quanshu<\/em>\n seem to have been most useful in providing practical guidance on how to\n perform the rituals and fulfill the ceremonial requirements of daily \nlife. An Ch\u014fngbok \u5b89\u9f0e\u798f (1712\u20131791) records in his Collected Writings of Sunam<\/em> (Sunam chip<\/em>\n \u9806\u5eb5\u96c6) that, in 1758, when he welcomed a son-in-law into the family, he \nwrote the customary \u201cWedding Ritual According with Propriety\u201d (\u201cHollye \nchag\u016di\u201d \u5a5a\u79ae\u914c\u5b9c) by referring to a Chinese wanbao quanshu<\/em> as well as other Chinese sources.8<\/sup> This is clear evidence of the influence that the wanbao quanshu<\/em> had on ritual practice in the eighteenth-century literati community of Chos\u014fn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Literati musicians, particularly those who played the qin<\/em> \u7434 (zither, the favored instrument of the educated elite), sought information from the wanbao quanshu<\/em>. As Ch\u2019oe S\u014fna has explained,9<\/sup> the Revised Scores for the Korean Zither<\/em> (Han k\u016dm sinbo<\/em> \u97d3\u7434\u65b0\u8b5c), a collection of musical scores for the Korean zither, k\u014fmun\u2019go<\/em>, cited the wanbao quanshu<\/em>\n as the source of several of its guidelines: \u201cFive circumstances under \nwhich the zither should not be played,\u201d \u201cRequired knowledge for playing \nthe zither,\u201d and \u201cRegulation of the greatest sound.\u201d Revised Scores for the Korean Zither,<\/em> collated by an unknown author,10<\/sup> was published in 1724. Thus, if the wanbao quanshu<\/em> cited is the one Yi \u016cihy\u014fn brought back from China, then a wanbao quanshu<\/em>\n was being actively used by music specialists only four years after its \narrival in Chos\u014fn in 1720. But there is evidence that the compiler of \nthe Revised Scores for the Korean Zither<\/em> had access to several different wanbao quanshu<\/em>, as the guidelines he cites seem to have been collected from both Ming and Qing works.11<\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n The wanbao quanshu<\/em> provided the fullest instruction, however, to local governments in search of guidance in fiscal and economic management. The Local Official (Sury\u014fng<\/em>\n \u5b88\u4ee4), a guide to the conduct of local government, was used by local \nofficials in financial administration during the Chos\u014fn dynasty.12<\/sup> In the second half of this manual, which introduces various protocols and calculation methods, the compiler directly cites a wanbao quanshu:<\/em> \u201cCalculation methods are excerpted from the \u201cFull and Clear Calculation Method\u201d (\u201cXiangming suanfa\u201d \u8a73\u660e\u7b97\u6cd5) section of the wanbao quanshu.<\/em>\u201d \u201cCalculations\u201d (\u201cJisuan men\u201d \u8a08\u7b97\u9580) was a fascicle included in all wanbao quanshu<\/em>,\n because of its importance to the daily lives of the people, \nparticularly as they engaged in trade or had dealings with the \ngovernment. The \u201cCalculation Primer\u201d included in The Local Official<\/em> matches exactly that in the Qing-era Chinese Comprehensive Compendium of Myriad Treasures, Expanded and Supplemented<\/em> (Zengbu Wanbao quanshu<\/em> \u589e\u88dc\u842c\u5bf6\u5168\u66f8).<\/em> An \u014fnhae<\/em> edition of a wanbao quanshu \u2014<\/em> that is, an edition that has been translated into the Korean vernacular \u2014<\/em>\n also includes the original text of the \u201cCalculation Primer.\u201d The cover \npage of the fascicle gives \u201cCalculation Primer\u201d as the title of the \nfascicle, but the title in the text proper (which is considered the \ncorrect title) is \u201cFull and Clear Calculation Method.\u201d Under that title \nare listed different methods: \u201cCalculation Primer,\u201d \u201cGolden-Cicada \nExuviation,\u201d \u201cSpreading Out a Silk Carpet,\u201d \u201cIllustrated Explanation of \nSpreading Out a Silk Carpet,\u201d and \u201cTreasure of the Palm in Your Sleeve.\u201d13<\/sup>\n This last section is further subdivided into \u201cPalm Mnemonics,\u201d \u201cPalm \nMnemonics of Multiplication,\u201d \u201cTwo Palm Mnemonics of Division,\u201d \u201cMethod \nof Getting Cloth from Silk Yarn,\u201d14<\/sup> \u201cMethod of Getting Cooked Meat from Raw Meat,\u201d15<\/sup> \u201cMethod of Buying Cotton,\u201d16<\/sup> and \u201cMeasuring Agricultural Fields.\u201d17<\/sup>\n There is another \u201cFull and Clear Calculation Method\u201d later in the \nfascicle, under which are listed \u201cEstablished Formulae of Abacus\u201d, \n\u201cComplete Recitation of Nine Nine Eighty One,\u201d \u201cMnemonic of Nine \nReturns,\u201d18<\/sup>\n \u201cMnemonic of Nine Multiplications,\u201d \u201cMnemonic of Combined Division \nMethod,\u201d \u201cMultiplication Mnemonic,\u201d \u201cDivision Mnemonic,\u201d and so forth. \nIn the thirty-juan<\/em> Chinese Comprehensive Compendium of Myriad Treasures, Expanded and Supplemented<\/em>\n (1747), the \u201cCalculation Primer\u201d is in the top register, whereas the \n\u201cEstablished Formulae of Abacus\u201d was in the lower register; in the \u014fnhae<\/em>-translation,\n the sections in the upper register of the original text were put first.\n That the compilers of the translation retained all the information \nabout calculation methods in the original Chinese wanbao quanshu<\/em> indicates how useful they believed such information would be in daily life.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The evidence presented above reveals something of the influence that the wanbao quanshu<\/em>\n had in Chos\u014fn society. Chos\u014fn\u2019s highest elite \u2014 certainly the rulers \nand court ministers of the dynasty \u2014 generally consulted Chinese \nencyclopedias like Expansive Record of the Forest of Affairs (Shilin guangji<\/em> \u4e8b\u6797\u5ee3\u8a18) and Categorized Collection of Writings on Affairs<\/em> (Shiwen leiju<\/em>\n \u4e8b\u6587\u985e\u805a) \u2014 that is, works designed for an elite readership, providing \northodox information on official ranks, Confucianism, proper ritual \nconduct, etc. But there is scattered evidence that the more popular \ndaily- use encyclopedias \u2014 the wanbao quanshu \u2014<\/em> did have some impact on the lives of literati as guides to some practical daily-life activities.19<\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n Other evidence of the influence of the wanbao quanshu<\/em> can be\n found in independent titles that were excerpts from daily-use \nencyclopedias. Three stand-alone works on tea, on medical practices, and\n on physiognomy reveal this use of the wanbao quanshu. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n Chronicle of the Tea Spirit<\/em> (Tasin ch\u014fn<\/em> \u8336\u795e\u50b3), compiled in the early nineteenth century by the S\u014fn (Chan) Buddhist Master Ch\u2019o\u016di \u8349\u8863\u79aa\u5e2b (1786-1866),20<\/sup> was excerpted from the \u201cTea Harvesting\u201d (\u201cCaicha\u201d \u63a1\u8336) section of a wanbao quanshu.<\/em>\n Master Ch\u2019o\u016di, who came to be known as Korea\u2019s \u201cTea Sage\u201d in part on \nthe strength of this work, explained, in the postscript to this \nmanuscript, how he came to copy it:<\/p>\n\n\n\n During the rainy season in 1828, I followed my master to the Seven \nBuddha Monastery of Silence (Ch\u2019ilbul aw\u014fn \u4e03\u4f5b\u555e\u9662) on Mt. Pangjang [Chiri]\n and copied [this work]. I wanted to recopy it to make a clean copy, but\n could not complete it because I became ill. Novice Monk Suhong was in \nthe attendants\u2019 room at the time and wanted to copy it in order to \nunderstand the Way of tea. But he could not finish it either, as he, \ntoo, became ill. So I forced myself to lift the brush and complete the \nwork: if there is a beginning, there should be an ending. How could this\n rule apply only to a gentleman\u2019s actions? Tea drinking is common in \nmany monasteries,21<\/sup>\n but few know the Way of tea. Thus, I write it here to reveal the \nformidable. Written humbly in mid-spring of 1830 by Hyuam Py\u014fngs\u014fn\u4f11\u83f4\u75c5\u79aa \n[Sickly Monk Resting in a Monastery], embracing a brazier next to a \nwindow and looking out at the snow.22<\/sup><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n Master Ch\u2019o\u016di was a prominent figure in early nineteenth-century \nChos\u014fn society. When young, he studied Confucianism and the Way of tea (ch\u2019ado<\/em>\n \u8336\u9053) with the philosopher and tea master Ch\u014fng Yagyong \u4e01\u82e5\u93de (1762-1836; \nsobriquet: Tasan \u8336\u5c71, \u201cTea Mountain\u201d); he was also a good poet, painter, \nand calligrapher, a \u201cman of the three splendors\u201d (\u4e09\u7d55). He traveled in \nelite circles and was friends with the celebrated scholar and \ncalligrapher Kim Ch\u014fngh\u016di \u91d1\u6b63\u559c (1786\u20131856, sobriquet, Ch\u2019usa \u79cb\u53f2) and the \nroyal son-in-law Hong Hy\u014fnju \u6d2a\u986f\u5468 (1793\u20131865). King H\u014fnjong \u61b2\u5b97 (r. \n1827\u20131849) bestowed upon him the title \u201cGrand S\u014fn Master Ch\u2019o\u016di, a \nWorthy Elevated to Great Enlightenment and Universal Salvation\u201d \n\u5927\u89ba\u767b\u968e\u666e\u6fdf\u5c0a\u8005\u8349\u8863\u5927\u79aa\u5e2b.<\/p>\n\n\n\n After he produced the Chronicle of the Tea Spirit,<\/em> he became\n noted as a tea master; the scholar-official Sin Wi \u7533\u7def (1769\u20131847) named\n him the \u201cTea-brewing savant\u201d \u714e\u8336\u535a\u58eb. Indeed, his Chronicle<\/em> did change the way Koreans made tea. Their practice had been to steam green-cake tea (qingbingcha<\/em> \u9752\u9905\u8336), but Ch\u2019o\u016di experimented with and introduced another method \u2014 roasting loose green tea leaves (qingsancha<\/em> \u9752\u6563\u8336) \u2014 which he found in the \u201cEssentials of The<\/em> Classic of Tea<\/em>\u201d23<\/sup> section of a wanbao quanshu.<\/em>\n When he was 52, he also wrote, at the request of his friend Hong \nHy\u014fnju, another work that became central to Korean tea culture: the Ode to the Tea of the East<\/em> (Tongda song<\/em>\u6771\u8336\u980c), a long g\u0101th\u0101<\/em>\n (verses for silent recitation) on the Way of tea. Hong had asked for a \nwork that highlighted the uniqueness of Korean tea culture, but verses \n7, 12, 14, and 15 of the Ode<\/em> all contain excerpts from wanbao quanshu.<\/em>24<\/sup> The Ode<\/em> and the Chronicle<\/em> are the two great classics of Korean tea culture, yet they are both heavily indebted to Chinese wanbao quanshu<\/em>: the Chronicle of the Tea Spirit<\/em> is a copy of \u201cEssentials of The Classic of Tea\u201d<\/em> (also titled \u201cTea Harvesting\u201d), while the Ode to the Tea of the East<\/em> drew on the this work as well.25<\/sup> We could say that Ch\u2019o\u016di owed the title of \u201ctea sage\u201d to the wanbao quanshu.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n A short medical text, Essentials of the Myriad Treasures<\/em> (Manbo ch\u2019waryo<\/em> \u842c\u5bf6\u64ae\u8981), provides a second example of a stand-alone text composed of excerpts from wanbao quanshu.<\/em>\n It is not known who compiled and titled this manuscript, now in the \ncollection of the Academy of Korean Studies (see Figure 1). Its entire \ncontents consist of the \u201cMedical Learning\u201d (\u201cYixue\u201d \u91ab\u5b78) and \u201cGestation\u201d \n(\u201cZhongzi\u201d \u7a2e\u5b50) sections of a Chinese wanbao quanshu<\/em> (see Figure 2).<\/em> On the upper-left corner of the cover is the title Extracts of a Myriad Treasures<\/em> (Manbo ch\u2019waryo<\/em>; C. Wanbao cuoyao<\/em>\n \u842c\u5bf6\u64ae\u8981) in large letters; to the right are the two section titles, \n\u201cMedical Learning\u201d and \u201cGestation,\u201d in smaller characters. The work is \n28 cm long and 18.2 cm wide, in forty-five leaves. There are five needle\n holes for binding, as was the custom in Korean book binding. The work \nis copied on paper with printed borders and block-centers with two \nflower-patterned fishtails. Each page (half folio) contains 10 lines; \neach line, 29 characters. The calligraphy is in clear regular-style \nscript. Thirty of the forty-five leaves bear the block-center title of \n\u201cMedical Learning,\u201d and fifteen, \u201cGestation.\u201d There is a date in the \nlast line, stating, \u201cNinth year of the Kwangmu reign, first spring \nmonth, first ten-day period\u201d \u6b72\u5728\u5149\u6b66\u4e5d\u5e74\u5b5f\u6625\u4e0a\u5e79(\u6fa3), indicating that this book \nwas copied or compiled in 1905. \u201cMedical Learning\u201d appears regularly as a\n category only in the longer (that is, those with over 30 fascicles) \npre-nineteenth century Chinese wanbao quanshu.<\/em>26<\/sup> It seems that later and shorter versions omitted this category; see, for example, the twenty-juan<\/em> wanbao quanshu<\/em> published in 1851. Therefore, the source of the Manbo ch\u2019waryo<\/em> is most likely one of the thirty-juan<\/em> versions of wanbao quanshu<\/em> that were published in the late-eighteenth or early-nineteenth centuries in China.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Scholars in Chos\u014fn society had always been interested in Chinese \nmedical books and regularly tried to purchase them. For example, in 1455\n the court, following a petition made by the Ministry of Rites, had the \nenvoy retinue to Beijing purchase a large number of medical books.27<\/sup>\n Among common readers, information about reproduction and childbirth was\n valued perhaps even more highly than the orthodox medical knowledge \nsought by the court; it is notable that the vernacular Korean edition of\n the wanbao quanshu<\/em>, intended for a readership not necessarily \nliterate in classical Chinese, does not incorporate a \u201cMedical Learning\u201d\n section, but does include \u201cGestation\u201d in its eleventh fascicle. This \nsuggests how important the matter of childbirth was to society at large \nat the time.28<\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n Finally, the manuscript Physiognomy<\/em> (Kwansang p\u014fp<\/em> \n\u89c0\u76f8\u6cd5), which explains how to read a person\u2019s character and fortune from \nhis\/her physical features, is essentially an excerpt from a wanbao quanshu.<\/em> In this case, we know which one, as the manuscript retains the full title of its source, Comprehensive Compendium of Myriad Treasures for the Convenient Consultation of All Under Heaven, Newly Cut<\/em> (Sin\u2019gak ch\u2019\u014fnha p\u2019y\u014fllam<\/em> Manbo ch\u014fns\u014f<\/em>; C. Xinke tianxia bianlan<\/em> wanbao quanshu<\/em>\n \u65b0\u523b\u5929\u4e0b\u4fbf\u89bd\u842c\u5bf6\u5168\u66f8), although it only contained the physiognomy section of that\n work. This section was not included in the vernacular Korean \ntranslation of the wanbao quanshu<\/em> (see below), rather it only circulated in this independent work. This was another way the information in the wanbao quanshu<\/em> proliferated in Chos\u014fn.29<\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n As of now, there is only one known Korean translation of a wanbao quanshu<\/em>, a manuscript in the Korea University Collection,30<\/sup> the so-called \u014fnhae<\/em>\n (\u8afa\u89e3), \u201cexplained in Korean,\u201d edition. In fact, it is a bilingual text, \nwith the Chinese original preceding the Korean translation, written in hang\u016dl<\/em>,\n the alphabet of the vernacular language. The writing on the lower-right\n corner, \u201c17 total\u201d \u5171\u5341\u4e03, indicates the entire set had seventeen volumes (ch\u2019aek<\/em>\n \u518a); all are thread-bound with five needle holes. On the upper-left side\n of each cover is written \u201cwanbao quanshu\u201d in large letters; on the \nupper-right, the titles of the categorical sections, single or multiple,\n that the volume contains. There is no preface, postface, or any clue in\n the work that reveals the date, the production circumstances or the \nname of the translator and scribe. This is in fact typical of official \nChos\u014fn \u014fnhae<\/em> projects, which often do not reveal information \nregarding authors, commentators, translators or scribes \u2014 indeed, \nanything other than the text proper. Even the prefaces, postfaces, and \ncommentaries that were part of the original text are all excised.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Scholars have not been able to identify the base text used for the \ntranslation. They hypothesize that the Chos\u014fn translators or editors \nconsulted various Qing wanbao quanshu<\/em> and selected sections \nfrom among them to suit the particular demands of Chos\u014fn society. \nSometimes they changed the titles or copied different titles from \ndifferent (Chinese) editions, making it difficult to identify the \nsource(s) for the translation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This book basically follows the usual formats of most Chos\u014fn \u014fnhae<\/em> books, but there are some idiosyncratic features. If we compare the work to a better-known bilingual translation, that of the Dream of the Red Chamber<\/em>\n in the Naks\u014fnjae Collection, we can see the major differences. In the \nlatter text, the Chinese original is in the upper register of the page, \nthe \u014fnhae<\/em> text in the lower register, making comparison between\n the original and the translation easy. Each Chinese character is \nglossed with its pronunciation on its left. The length of \u014fnhae<\/em> line is even on every page, although this is not the case in the Chinese original. In the \u014fnhae<\/em> Wanbao quanshu,<\/em> however, there is only one register, and the Chinese original is followed immediately by its \u014fnhae<\/em> translation, making comparisons of the two texts more laborious.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The size of the \u014fnhae<\/em>-edition wanbao quanshu<\/em> is 27.6 cm x 25.9 cm. Like other \u014fnhae<\/em> books, it does not have a text box (kwanggwak<\/em>\n \u5321\u90ed), block center, or fishtail \u2014 that is, there is no effort to \nreproduce the format of a woodblock printed text (see Figure 3). \nAlthough there are no grid lines, the copying of the texts is neat and \nthe characters evenly arranged. Each page contains nine lines; in the \nChinese text, there are 20 characters per line, but in the hang\u016dl<\/em> \u014fnhae<\/em>\n text, only 19, with each line indented vertically one space. Section \ntitles in the Chinese text are indented two spaces, in the Korean \ntranslation, three spaces. Interlinear commentary is inserted in small \nletters in double lines. Bound with thread through five needle points, \nthe sheets of paper are sometimes pasted together on the edges. The \nnumber of pages is not even in each volume, ranging from as few as 91 to\n as many as 184. The entire work contains 2,171 pages, an average of 127\n pages in each volume. The manuscript also includes quite a few \nillustrations copied from the original which is highly unusual \u2014 very \nfew \u014fnhae<\/em> translations of Chinese texts reproduce \nillustrations. Taking all these editorial features into account, we \nshould call this text in full, \u201cChos\u014fn manuscript of original text with \u014fnhae<\/em> translation,\u201d or \u201cChos\u014fn \u014fnhae<\/em> edition of a wanbao quanshu<\/em>\u201d for short.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Figure 1: Chos\u014fn \u014fnhae edition of a wanbao quanshu (17-volume set, bilingual with the original text, Korea University Library).<\/p>\n\n\n\n What did the Korean compilers of the \u014fnhae<\/em> wanbao quanshu<\/em> of Chos\u014fn choose to excerpt from Chinese wanbao quanshu<\/em>\n and include in this encyclopedia? The contents reflect the prominent \nrole that China played as a political and literary model in Korean \nsociety, but also \u2014 and more interesting for students of Korean society \u2014\n the practical concerns of Koreans with the proper forms of social \nexchange and ritual practice, written and verbal; with methods of \nmathematical calculation for both official and business use; \nentertainment; and fortune-telling or divination. Let us look more \nclosely at the structure of the \u014fnhae<\/em> edition of the wanbao quanshu<\/em>. The titles in each volume and its total number of pages are as follows:<\/p>\n\n\n\nTransmission of Wanbao quanshu<\/em> to Chos\u014fn Korea and Their Use<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
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Texts Excerpted from the Wanbao quanshu: Chronicle of the Tea Spirit, Essentials of the Myriad Treasures, and Physiognomy<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
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Korean Translation of a Chinese Wanbao quanshu<\/em><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
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